Feudal Land System and Social Hierarchy in Early Medieval Eastern India: An Epigraphic Perspective

Name of The Authors - Biswarup Chatterjee 

                                      & Satabdi Barman

Introduction: Rethinking Feudalism in Early India

Feudalism, a term originally used to describe medieval European society, has also been applied to early medieval India. However, historians now approach this concept cautiously, recognizing regional variations and complexities.

In early medieval Eastern India—covering Bengal, Assam, Bihar, and Odisha—the socio-political structure was deeply rooted in land-based relationships, fragmented authority, and agrarian economy.

This blog explores how inscriptions, especially copper plate grants, reveal the functioning of land ownership, hierarchy, and power relations in this period.

Understanding Feudal Structure in Early Medieval India

Fragmented Political Authority

Unlike centralized empires, early medieval India witnessed:

• Multiple regional kingdoms
• Fluid political boundaries
• Delegation of authority to feudatories

Kings often retained control over core regions while granting peripheral areas to subordinate rulers in exchange for:

• Loyalty
• Tribute
• Military service

This created a layered political system resembling feudal arrangements.

Land Grants as a Political Tool

One of the most significant features of this period was the granting of land instead of cash salaries.

Recipients of Land Grants

• Brahmins
• Temples and monasteries
• Royal officials
• Feudatory chiefs

These grants often included:

• Revenue rights
• Judicial authority
• Control over villages

This system strengthened both religious institutions and administrative networks.

Agrarian Economy and Social Hierarchy

A Pyramid of Power

The early medieval society of Eastern India was structured like a pyramid:

Top Level

• King (Supreme authority)

Intermediate Classes

• Rājā, Mahāsāmanta, Sāmanta
• Mahāmaṇḍalika, Bhogika
• Mahattaras (village elites)

Lower Landowning Class

• Kuṭumbins (peasant proprietors)

Bottom Level

• Karṣakas (cultivators, sharecroppers, labourers)

This hierarchy clearly reflects a land-centered social order.

Role of Mahattaras and Kuṭumbins

Mahattaras (Village Elites)

• Wealthy landholders
• Village decision-makers
• Sometimes engaged in trade and banking

Kuṭumbins (Householders)

• Small landowners
• Agriculturally dependent
• Represented rural landed class

Interestingly, inscriptions show a transition where mercantile groups shifted toward agriculture, indicating economic change.

Epigraphic Evidence: What Inscriptions Reveal

Copper Plate Inscriptions as Historical Sources

Copper plate inscriptions are crucial for understanding:

• Land ownership patterns
• Administrative systems
• Social hierarchy

Key Examples

Khalimpur Copper Plate (Dharmapala)

• Donation of villages to a temple
• Included markets and economic resources

Nalanda Copper Plate (Devapala)

• Villages granted to Buddhist monasteries

Bargaon Grant (Ratnapala)

• Land gifted to Brahmins

These inscriptions demonstrate that land was the primary medium of wealth and power.

Religious Institutions and Land Control

Land grants to temples and monasteries served multiple purposes:

• Religious merit (dharma)
• Political legitimacy
• Economic stability

Brahmins played a crucial role by:

• Performing rituals
• Constructing royal genealogies
• Supporting kings’ divine authority

Thus, religion and politics were deeply interconnected.

Administrative System and Payment Through Land

Shift from Cash to Land-Based Remuneration

Texts like the Arthashastra and Manusmriti indicate evolving administrative practices:

• Earlier: Officials received salaries
• Later: Land grants became common

Officials such as:

• Viṣayapati (district head)
• Uparika (revenue officer)
• Samāhartā (tax collector)

were compensated through land assignments.

Example: Harsha’s Administration

During the reign of Harshavardhana:

• One-fourth of revenue was assigned to officials
• Ministers and governors held land for personal support

This reflects the consolidation of feudal administrative practices.

Regional Variations in Eastern India

The feudal system was not uniform. Variations existed across:

• Bengal
• Odisha
• Assam

Different inscriptions mention:

• Bhūpāla (tribal chiefs)
• Mahābhogika (regional officials)
• Mandaleśvara (provincial administrators)

This highlights a complex and flexible administrative structure.

Conclusion: A Land-Based Civilization

The early medieval period in Eastern India reveals a society where:

• Land was the central source of power
• Social hierarchy was deeply agrarian
• Religious and political authority were intertwined
• Inscriptions provide crucial historical insights

Rather than a rigid European-style feudalism, India developed a distinct, regionally adapted land-based socio-political system.

Keywords (For SEO Tag Section)

Feudalism India, Early Medieval Bengal, Land Grant System, Copper Plate Inscriptions, Agrarian Economy India, Social Hierarchy Ancient India, Epigraphy Bengal, Post Gupta Period, Temple Land Grants, Brahmanical Patronage

 

Reference

Boruah, Nirode. Early Assam. Guwahati: Spectrum Publication, 2007.

Mukherjee, Ramaranjan and Sachindra Kumar Maity (eds.). Corpus of Bengal Inscriptions Bearing on History and Civilization of Bengal (CBI). Calcutta (now Kolkata): Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1967.

Morrison, Barrie M. Political Centre and Cultural Regions in Early Bengal (PCCREB). Arizona: The University of Arizona Press, 1970.

Sarma, Dimbeswar (ed.). Kāmarūpaśāsanāvalῑ. (Eng. trans.) Premadhar Chowdhury, Rajani Kanta Deva Sarma and Dimbeswar Sarma. Gauhati: Publication Board Assam, 2003 (2nd edn.). (1st edn. 1981).

Sircar, Dinesh Chandra. Indian Epigraphy. Delhi (now New Delhi): MLBD, 1996 (Rpt.). (1st edn. 1956).

(ed.). Epigraphic Discoveries In East Pakistan (EDEP). (Sanskrit College Series, 70). Calcutta (now Kolkata): Sanskrit College, 1973.                          

(ed.). Select Inscriptions Bearing the Indian History and Civilization: From the Sixth Century BC. to the Sixth Century A.D. (Vol. 1) (Sel. Ins). Calcutta (now Kolkata): University of Calcutta, 1942.

Tripathi, Snigdha. Inscription of Orissa: Inscriptions of The Bhauma-Karas. (Vol. 2). Delhi (now New Delhi): Indian Council of Historical Research &Pratibha Prakashan, 2000.

Basak, Radhagovinda. Tipperah Copper Plate Grant of Lokanatha: The 44th Year. No. 19. In : Epigraphia Indica (EI). (Vol. 15). Ed. F. W. Thomas. Delhi (now New Delhi) : The Director General Archaeological Survay of India, 1982. (Rpt.) ; (1st ed. 1925). 301-315.

Bhattasali, Nalinikanta. The Ghugrahati Copper Plate inscription of Samachara-DevaNo. 11. In: Epigraphia Indica (EI). (Vol. 18). Ed. H. Krishna Sastri and Hirananda Sastri. New Delhi: The Director General archaeological survey of India, 1983 (Rpt.). 74-87.

 The Kotalipada Copperplate Inscription of the Time of DvādaŚāditya, Year 14. In: Pratna Samiksha (PS). (Vol. 4). Ed. Sharmi Chakraborty. Kolkata: Centre For Archaeological Studies &Training, 2013. (New Series). 89-99.

Islam, Shariful. Uḍiśvara Copper Plate of Śrῑdhāraṇarāta.. In: Journal of The Asiatic Siciety of Bangladesh (Humanities) (JASBH). (Vol. 57). No. 1. Ed. Harun-Or- Rashid and Sabbir Ahmed. Dhaka: The Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2012. 61-72.

Pal, Sayantani. Religious Petronage in the Land Grant Charters of Early Bengal (Fifth- Thirteenth Century). In: Indian Historical Review (IHR). (Vol. 41). Issue. 2. Ed. Dilip K Chakrabarti. New Delhi: ICHR, 2014. 185- 205.

                                                                ----------------------------

The Fort of Chilarai (Coochbehar, West Bengal, India) An Archaeological Reconnaissance.

Author - Biswarup Chatterjee  

                   THE CHILARAI KOT SITE FALLS WITHIN THE ANDARAN-PHULBARI G.P.  in the Tufanganj subdivision of the Cooch Behar district. Cooch Behar district belongs to Jalpaiguri presidency in the state of West Bengal. The district is broadly surrounded by the districts of Jalpaiguri to the north and west and Alipurduar to the north. Bangladesh and Assam surround the region to the south and east. The Tista, the Jaldhaka, the Torsa, the Kaljani, the Raydak and Gadadhar are the main water channels of this district (Majumdar 1977). 

             Local tradition suggests that Chilarai was the younger brother of king Naranǎrǎyaṇa. His original name was Śukladhavaja, the chief general of the king. He was known for courage, heroism and guile. For his quick attack and sharp military wit, Śukladhavaja was given the title Chilarai. It is reported that he died of Chickenpox in 1571 Gaur invasion (Ahamad 1990). Legends also speak of death due to drowning in river water. 

                According to the popular belief, many castles were founded by Chilarai. Of these, the two called Chilarai-er Choto-kot (the ‘Large fort of Chilarai’ and the ‘Small fort of Chilarai’) are situated in Andaranphulbari Panchayet I and II respectively. Ruins of these two forts are yet to be explored properly. The present paper attempts a preliminary report of the archaeological features of these two structural remains founded by Chilarai. 

                We may begin with the ‘Small fort.’ The remains of this fort is situated at Andaranfulbari (26°20´18.78˝ N/89°40´12.684˝ E) of the Tufanganj subdivision under Cooch Behar districts. The total area of land of this fort was 52 bighas according to local reports. Presently, the spread of structures and artefacts are scattered, however, over ~5–6 bighas areas. According to the local sources, the area inside the Choto Kot was used as residence of the soldiers or for military practices. This castle was surrounded by a moat; however, no such trace is noticeable presently. 

             A British traveler, Ralph Fitch, visited the kingdom of the Koch during the reign of King Naranǎrǎyaṇa Bhupbǎhǎdur. Ralph Fitch (1550–1611) refers to his meeting with Chilarai whom Fitch called Suckelcounse (Sukla Koch). Possibly, by mistake, Fitch regarded Sunckelcounse as the king. There is no denying of the fact that the accounts of Ralph Fitch provided a lot of information about this medieval ruling house. The traveler offers a series of information about the castles of Chilarai. According to him, the castles were bounded by a massive water body. Bamboos were stuck in that water so that the soldiers or the horses could not cross it easily. Besides, during the wars, the insiders of the castle poisoned the water of the pool. Such measure was taken to make the castles more safe and secure (Ryley 1899). 

             It is difficult to say whether the water passing within the moat was connected with the river. According to Sri Dharma Narayana Barma, retired teacher of local School, the pool was never connected with any river. But, according to Sri Nirmal Barman, another retired teacher, the pool was connected with the Sankhola or the Chanfela river which was connected with the Raidak river. However, presently no such evidence is available. It is assumed that, like many other medieval forts of Bengal, the two castles of Chilarai also involved extensive use of bamboo. 

             Those bamboos and the wood were evidently collected from the local forest. It is also suggested that the Choto Kot was used to look after the local administration, while the Boro Kot was meant for the residence. According to local oral history, Chilarai himself lived in the Boro Kot. It should also be noted that in spite of the huge use of the bamboo and the wood, the rooms of the castle were made of bricks. Few such bricks are seen along the section of this structural mound (Fig. 15.1). According to some sources, the bricks were brought from an antique deserted brick field called Jǎlǎs-er ḍǎbari (the low-land of Jǎlǎs). This place is located at the Ghogarkuthi village of Andaranphulbari Panchayet no. 2. The size of the bricks documented fromtthis find-spot are (14 × 6.5 × 4.5) cm. 

             Before dealing with the Boro Kot in detail, it would be relevant to take a note of the boundary of the Choto Kot. Presently no boundary wall of the castle is visible. But, possibly, some debris of the boundary wall measuring 125 m long is seen in the southeast of the castle. The measurement of the boundary wall to the west is about 100 m and to its opposite side, the boundary wall stretches for about 70 m. Presently the Choto Kot is only a deserted place

where fragments of broken bricks and stone slabs are available. There is a clear indication that those stone slabs measuring 36 × 11 × 8 inch were used in the construction of the castle (Fig. 15.2). The Boro Kot of Chilarai is situated 2.5 km west of the Choto Kot. Geographically it belongs to Andaranphulbari G.P. 2 and the place is situated 3–4 km north-west of Tufanganj town. The Boro Kot was bigger than the Choto Kot. The land area of this Kot covered 350 bighas. This Kot was also surrounded by a moat. The water body along the moat was connected with the Chakchaka river, which presently has however changed its direction. Presently, the existence of Chakchaka pond (bill) is seen (Fig. 15.3). In the adjoining area of the debris, the pieces of broken bricks and stone blocks are traced. In course of local diggings, traces of brick construction are located. Terracotta plaques have been discovered from the surrounding areas and it is quite likely that these were used in decorating the medieval temples that once stood at the site and its surroundings (Fig. 15.4). 

             It appears from our exploration that there were two parts of the castle, viz. the outer part measuring 4.5 bighas and the inner part measuring 3.5 bighas. Like the previous castle, this one was

also surrounded by a boundary wall, which was made of mud and its height was ~7–8 ft. One can still locate the debris of a boundary wall in the northwest side of the Boro Kot. 

            According to the popular belief, in the days of Chilarai, there was water connectivity between the Boro Kot and the Choto Kot. The pools of these two forts were probably connected by a channel in the northwest corner. The existence of this channel is yet visible. The entrance of the castle was possibly from the northeast. 

             The castles of Chilarai and scattered material evidence distributed all over the area have great archaeological importance. Firstly, in the sixteenth-seventeenth century CE those castles had been instrumental for the protection of the Koch kingdom. These structures served the dual purpose of protecting the region from military campaigns, particularly from the invaders from neighbouring Assam, besides serving as the fortified settlement of this medieval ruling hous of northern Bengal. 

             To sum up, the archaeological potential of the material evidence distributed over a substantial are of Cooch Behar can hardly be exaggerated. While most of the structural material have been reduced to debris, what remains are enough to attract intensive archaeological enquiry. the relics of the forgotten history. It is a piety that no excavation or proper survey of the area has so far been undertaken by the professional archaeologist. I strongly suggest, in the light of my very preliminary survey, that if excavation is conducted with specific questions, the glorious history of this medieval principality can be unearthed. 

 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

             Sincere thanks are due to Rajat Sanyal for his editorial support. In the field, I received untiring help from Sri Biresh Chandra Barman, Sri Amarendranath Basakh, Sri Rabindranath Das and Sri Fatik Chandra Barma. I am indebted to all of them. 

 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Ahamad, Khan Chaudhary Amanatulla. 1990 [rep.]. Kochbiharer Itihas 1 (in Bengali). Kochbihar: Kochbihar State Press. 

Ryley, J. Horton. 1899. Ralph Fitch, England’s Pioneer to India and Burma: His Companions and Contemporaries with his Remarkable Narrative told in His Own Words. London: T.F. Unwin. 

Gait, E.A. 1906. A History of Assam. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co. Majumdar, Durgadas. 1977. West Bengal District Gazetteers, Koch Bihar. Calcutta: Information and Public Relation Department.

Administrative System and Land Transactions in Ancient Bengal (5th–6th Century CE): A Critical Epigraphic Analysis of Gupta Copper Plates

Biswarup Chatterjee

Introduction: Why Gupta Land Grants Matter for Bengal History

The reconstruction of early Bengal’s history, particularly during the 5th–6th century CE, depends heavily on epigraphic evidence. Among these, the Gupta copper plate inscriptions stand out as the most reliable and detailed sources. Unlike literary texts, which often carry ideological or religious bias, these inscriptions were legal documents, recording real transactions, administrative decisions, and socio-economic structures.

This article critically examines the administrative system and land transaction procedures of ancient Bengal through these inscriptions, highlighting their broader historical significance.

During the Gupta period, a significant portion of Bengal came under imperial control. This phase marks a transition where administrative organization, agrarian expansion, and religious patronage became closely interconnected. The land grant charters, therefore, are not merely records of donation—they are documents of governance, economy, and social negotiation.

   

Sources and Methodology: Why Epigraphy is Central

The history of the Gupta period is reconstructed from four major categories of sources:

• Literary texts
• Inscriptions
• Coins
• Monuments

Among these, inscriptions, especially copper plates, are the most dependable because they:

• Record exact dates and regnal years
• Preserve the official administrative terminology
• Provide the legal details of land transactions

In Bengal, inscriptions such as the Damodarpur, Paharpur, Baigram, and Dhanaidaha copper plates form the backbone of this study.

Administrative Structure: A Hierarchical but Functional System

The Gupta administrative system in Bengal reveals a multi-layered territorial organization, which ensured both central control and local governance.

Administrative Units

The inscriptions refer to several administrative divisions:

• Bhūkti – Province
• Viṣaya – District
• Maṇḍala – Sub-regional unit
• Vīthi – Local subdivision
• Grāma – Village

This hierarchy indicates a systematic and organized governance model, comparable in many ways to modern administrative divisions.

Officials and Their Roles

Key administrative officers included:

• Uparika – Provincial governor, often acting as the king’s representative
• Kumāramātya – District administrator responsible for local governance
• Āyuktaka – Later replacement of Kumāramātya in some regions

Interestingly, the evolution of titles (e.g., Uparika → Uparika-Mahārāja) reflects a gradual decentralization and localization of power.

Local Governance: The Role of Community Participation

One of the most striking features of Gupta administration in Bengal is the active involvement of local society in administrative processes.

Land transactions required the presence or acknowledgment of:

• Mahattaras (village elders)
• Grāmikas (village headmen)
• Kuṭumbins (landholding householders)
• Aṣṭakulādhikaraṇa (local administrative body)

This suggests that governance was not purely top-down. Instead, it involved a negotiated process between state authority and local society, ensuring legitimacy and social acceptance.

Procedure of Land Transactions: A Structured Legal Process

The Gupta land transaction system was highly organized and followed a clear procedural framework:

Step-by-Step Process

1. Submission of application by the buyer or donee
2. Verification by record keepers (pustapālas)
3. Public notification to local residents and Brahmanas
4. Inspection by local authorities
5. Final approval and issuance of grant

This process highlights a proto-bureaucratic system, where documentation, verification, and transparency were essential.

Advisory Bodies and Administrative Efficiency

The district administration was supported by a four-member advisory board, representing key sections of society:

Nagaraśreṣṭhin – Urban elite/wealthy class

Sārthavāha – Merchant community

Prathamakulika – Artisan class

Prathama Kāyastha – Administrative scribes

This structure reflects an early form of institutional governance, where economic and social groups participated in decision-making.

Legal Principles: Understanding Nīvī Dharma

The concept of nīvī dharma governed land grants:

• It implied a perpetual grant with restricted transfer rights
• The term akṣaya nīvī dharma indicated a permanent and inalienable grant

This demonstrates a highly developed legal consciousness, where property rights were clearly defined and regulated.

Classification of Land: Economic and Social Implications

The inscriptions classify land into different categories:

• Kṣetra – Cultivated land
• Khila – Fallow or uncultivated land
• Vāstu – Residential land

Other types like apradā and aprahata refer to unoccupied or unused land.

These classifications indicate:

• Agricultural expansion strategies
• Revenue considerations
• Settlement patterns 

Land Measurement and Economic Standardization

The Gupta administration maintained a standardized system of measurement:

• Kulyavāpa – Primary unit of land
• Equivalent to approximately eight dronas
• Measurement tools: rods (nalas) based on cubit length

This uniformity suggests a regulated agrarian economy with administrative precision.

Monetary Aspects: Pricing and Currency

Land transactions involved monetary exchange using:

• Dināra – Gold coins
• Rūpaka – Silver coins

The price varied:

• 2 dināras per kulyavāpa
• 3 dināras per kulyavāpa

Such variation reflects:

• Differences in land quality
• Regional economic conditions  

Ownership of Land: State vs Community Debate

Scholars remain divided on the question of land ownership:

State Ownership Theory (U.N. Ghosal)

Suggests that the king held ultimate authority over land.

Community Rights Theory (R.G. Basak)

Argues that local communities had significant control.

Interpretative Conclusion

A balanced reading of inscriptions suggests:

• The state exercised sovereign control
• The village community retained participatory rights, especially in approving land transfers 

Evolution of Land Grant Records

Over time, Gupta land grants became:

• More detailed
• More legally structured
• More standardized

This evolution reached its peak in later dynasties such as the Pālas and Senas, indicating continuity and development in administrative traditions.

Historical Significance: Beyond Administration

These inscriptions are not merely administrative records. They reveal:

• The spread of Brahmanical religion through land grants
• The integration of local societies into imperial structures
• The growth of Sanskrit as an administrative language
• The formation of regional political identities 

Conclusion: A Complex and Evolving Administrative Culture

The Gupta copper plate inscriptions of Bengal present a rich and nuanced picture of early Indian governance. They reflect a system where:

• Central authority coexisted with local participation
• Legal frameworks ensured regulated land transactions
• Administrative practices evolved over time

Far from being simple donation records, these charters are dynamic historical documents that illuminate the socio-political and economic foundations of early Bengal.

 

  

-----------------------------